Who is mbali sexwale

Especially when using public transport. My friend and I were about 16 years old when we took a train into town. A man sitting opposite us masturbated right there. No one I know likes walking through the taxi rank in Cape Town because of this. No one really speaks about it. The thing about it that was scary was that I was in a busy area at Bree Street taxi rank and a lot of people saw it happen, but not one person did a thing. I just walked off crying. They feel entitled and I think the root of the problem lies with the general feeling that women are objects of pleasure … I mean how can you get harassed because you refused to smile at a stranger.

Barbara Abdinor : I had this gross old guy staring at me relentlessly a few days ago while I was sitting in my cozzie at the water slide park with my kids. My sense was that he felt he had paid the entrance fee and that was why he was there, to stare at women in swimming costumes. Zimasa Mkentane : I was walking with my little sister to a supermarket around 5pm, and I noticed that there was a car going up and down following us. We went into the supermarket, came out and I noticed the same car following us back to our place.

Then this old white man stopped the car, got out with no clothes below the belt and played with his penis while he waved at us to get closer. We ran and took a different route back to our flat …. Black and coloured women and working-class women who rely on public transport or the taxi system are most exposed to and vulnerable to aggressive forms of sexual harassment.

However, it is also abundantly clear that from the maid walking to work to the madam going out for her morning jog, no woman in South Africa is safe from sexual harassment. I referred them to Chris who was not accessible to give them an explanation. As a result of these developments, conflicts in the region remained almost perpetual and since there was no forum for them to raise their protest, the matter was left to rot.

The discrepancies caused by the leading two men were causing a disunity in the region. Where comrades grouped themselves in a Lehlohonolo's faction and a Chris faction. Very disturbing. These conflicts were even registered inside the country where people would only take directives from one they supported, ignore or jeopardized the other.

One factor which could not be normalized was the financial one. Records, if there were any, were kept clandestine. Comrades who were not trained, were not receiving subsistence allowances except the R40 forty rands issued by the Government UNHCR so the rest had to fend for themselves. Money was received from CIDA for the refugees but some people never received any assistance.

I had long given up the battle against the financial mishandlement and I was fending for myself and my family. Following the death of my brother and his compatriots, we urged that training of personnel from inside the country should be revived.

The Lesotho government was beginning to worry about our activities. That people declared as refugees in Lesotho were invariably caught by the Lesotho Police with arms en route to South Africa.

Because of the standing relations, they were not subjected to trials under the Arms and Ammunitions Act, so as not to embarrass the ANC. There were exceptions of course of cadres who after operations from other regions would be tried by the courts of law.

Minimum fines would be charged, and they were assisted to leave Lesotho to Maputo. The progressives fought tooth and nail to defend the right of refugees despite the fact that South Africa believed that insurgency is conducted from Lesotho. The Boers insisted on a number of occasions that Chris should either be handed back to South Africa or leave Lesotho.

Lesotho was quite firm not to bow to this pressure. At the same time there were elements who, if in authoritative positions, would have carried out the orders from Pretoria. This was, of course, malicious propaganda. He fortunately survived together with his family. One morning in early I received a call from the Foreign Minister's office that I should report at once. The Minister, CD Molapo he has now resigned from the government told me that he would like to meet the President on urgent and pressing matters and that he should come to Maseru.

I told the Minister that it may not be feasible for the President to come. He insisted that he does not even want to talk to Chris. The Minister, on our arrival, dismissed me together with his director for political affairs, Mr Mathaba, that it is top secret. However, we learned with dismay that the Cabinet had reached a decision that Chris must leave the country.

Cde Nkadimeng could not take this decision but forwarded the matter to HQ. Chris refused as he was in fact disgusted. Meanwhile HQ had already responded that Chris will be withdrawn. Therefore Chris continued to stay. That vehicles obtained from cell units inside the country SA which I created with his instructions, were not benefiting the organization but myself.

Having learned this, I told Chris to call a meeting in which to resolve this issue. At the meeting, where I confronted. Most of the liberated cars used by the ANC in Lesotho and inside the country was of the efforts I had created. For some reason or another, which I cannot put my finger on, Lehlohonolo, has shown in many ways that he does not like me, what ever I did to him, only the devil knows.

Chris was aware of these factors and I have reasons to believe that he shared the same objectives with Lehlohonolo. Because while he on the surface treating me like a comrade behind my back he said malicious things about me: that I am nothing but a lumpen proletariat thug. I was shocked to learn about this filth because he Chris, when I was going through thick and thin to stabilize our relations and projected him to the government's top offices as my leader, while he was pessimistic about the diplomatic efforts, is the same man who today enjoys the respect of the government because of my sacrifice, and now stabs me in the back!!

I was indeed horrified! What shocked me more than anything else was the idea of my being discussed with the outsiders. I was never at any point in time, refused him access to criticize me if I have done wrong. Meanwhile, I have always if need be criticized him in person and not gossiped about him.

But I held myself upright despite my character being assassinated. And continued with the struggle. During peacetime, Chris asked me to start a business using my profession so that the organization in Lesotho can meet the demands of the area. Like a fool I have always been, I agreed. He assured me that the initial capital to establish the company will be provided for from funds of the organization. This was a good move because it could also give occupation to some of our cadres in Lesotho.

At the same time we had to examine the dialectics of such a venture. My legend in Lesotho was well established as an electronics man.

All documents, correspondence between myself and the LNDC, Chris was always given a copy so that he monitor the progress report. I accepted into the company three 3 people in the formation of this company and Chris had no reservation at that time about them. Memorandums and all legal documents, concerning the company were finally completed, Radio and Watch Centre, was born.

An initial capital of R5, five thousand rand was requested from each director shareholders. At this eleventh hour, Chris was somersaulting. That since people have been complaining about him at HQ regarding funds he would therefore not like to incriminate himself any longer.

That I should apply to Cde Nkobi and request the money. That correspondence to TG about the matter contravenes Security and that he had to do it in person,. I was left baffled!

I stalled the other directors and gave some excuse so as to buy time. At this juncture, I approached some of our ANC prominent members to seek assistance. As a last resort, I tried my father who had just gone on pension.

I was fortunate and he gave me the stipulated amount. I still continued to inform Chris about the above mentioned data, so that now that my capital was available, we can have a breathing space and that he should inform the TG about the established project so that the R5 should be returned to my father. At any rate, nothing ever came out of all these initiatives and suggestions.

The project was a tremendous success and its reputation caught on like fire. When we examined the records after three months.. At one time when one of the leaders Cde Masondo who has now passed away died recently came to Maseru on a shopping spree, we held discussions about the project and he promised to raise the matter at HQ because he felt that his department Logistics should take over the project. The project was envied by many a cadre ANC of course, who only thought it was a private affair while others took negative attitude towards me, as aspiring to become a capitalist.

I had no choice but to swallow the irony. Meanwhile vicious campaign was launched against me. This was again spearheaded by Lehlohonolo. He was discrediting me with members of the police, some of them who believed him also adopted an attitude.

By the way, Lehlohonolo who is a Lesotho citizen by birth and naturally he knew a lot of people in Lesotho including the Police Force. When he was arrested in the Quthing district, with an unlicensed fire arm, I did not sit back but fought for his release and personally drove him back to Maseru. I was perhaps trying to show him that I do not hold any grudge against him despite the fact that he was continually not honest.

As he was a dictator and a bully I could not get along well with him. I had in my possession documents from the advocate, who represented my father about my brother's death. Maputo office could not assist me to proceed to HQ, Lehlohonolo and Chris were also in Maputo and since they had influence on the then Chief Rep. The trip to HQ was a failure. Fortunately the President arrived in Maputo during my stay.

I again approached Lennox Chief Ref to make me an appointment with him. This also failed as it was impeded by Chris and Lehlohonolo. We had a.. I had no alternative but to write to the President now as I was fully aware of the 'Mafia' tactics used by some comrades, I hd to make copies to various top comrades that perhaps in this way the President will get to know about it. The following people were given copies:.

The letter to our President was handed to Zuma for delivery as I had some trust on him, unbeknown to me that he was a collaborator. I doubt if the President ever received his letter as there was no response. I was promised by them that a ticket will be sent so that we could discuss matters in a clear perspective at HQ. I waited and no ticket ever reached me. I would like at this juncture, to explain circumstances before this raid in the following paragraphs. Sometime in August , a comrade by the name of Sherpard was apprehended by our own Security Maseru on suspicion of being an enemy agent, because he was missed for a week.

It is alleged that he was in the company of Pototo Mbali. Pototo is the younger brother of Mbali who was in kidnapped by Pretoria Police. Pototo could not be accepted as a member of the organization, this was based on the allegations that his brother Mbali was no longer trusted.

Hence when it was discovered that Sherpard was with Pototo, he was locked up in one house in Maseru. This act was illegal in accordance to refugee status given to us.

Sherpard escaped from this house somehow and our Security were convinced that he fled to South Africa. Details of which will reveal his detention at one of the ANC houses. Meanwhile people including local residents were unceremoniously questioned about the whereabouts of Sherpard. Pototo's wife was woken up repeatedly at night in search for Pototo and Sherpard.

Some of us warned our Security about the Gestapo methods of operations but were invariably ignored. Finally, one night, Pototo was found at his house and taken away by our Security for questioning.

Pototo's head was found beheaded under a bridge in the Mohaleshoek district south of Maseru. His body was found at a different place after a long search by the Lesotho Security Police, The Lesotho Police were quite convinced that it was an act conducted by ANC members. A number of people were arrested as a result. When Lehlohonolo discovered that Sherpard was at Sello's place, he went there and accused Khalake as a collaborator harbouring enemy agents.

This was a serious allegation, and the matter had to be settled in Maputo where Lehlohonolo had to account for his behaviour. Sherpard, who realized that he was no longer safe, was once more on the run. He went to the Lesotho Police for his life because of the news which was already public knowledge that Pototo was late. The Lesotho Police could only protect him from harrasment from SA, when he left Maseru prison he disappeared.

By then Lehlohonolo had returned from Maputo where I left him. Sherpard's brother after fruitless protest was forced in Maputo. He received this amount, to travel cross-country to Swaziland and no protection was given to him.

He reached Swaziland and reported to the ANC in that region. Meanwhile, Sherpard was handed over to the South African Police by a man who used to work at Maseru Bedco, under the pretence that he will drive him to Swaziland. It is alleged that the driver was working for the South African Security. I cannot speak with authority about Sherpard's involvement with this man, nor the authenticity about the fact that he was indeed going to SD, nor was he broken down and or handed himself over to the SA Police.

However, it surfaced that he was in a camp in Pretoria where so-called tamed guerillas were kept. This information was brought back by another ANC who was arrested in South Africa from Lesotho and escaped from prison. He is now in Maputo. His name is Tshepo. Sherpard's brother in Swaziland, received a call from Sherpard and he told him where he was Pretoria specifically to alert his brother to convey a message to ANC in Maseru that the Boers were going to attack soon.

It is learned that the camp is under the command b a former Zapu comrade who fled to SA during the Zimbabwe turmoil. He was sympathetic, we are told, to Sherpard thus allowed him to use the telephone when an opportunity arose.

Sherpard's brother speculates that he Sherpard must have received his telephone number from his parents in Cape Town because he did leave the number when he telephoned home from Swaziland.

At any rate the information via Maputo reached us in Maseru and this was supported by the South Africa media in which the South African Police Chief issued threatening statements accusing Leaboa Jonathan's government of harbouring ANC terrorists.

While we were aware of an attack we did not know when and we never suspected that the raid would have been on such a large scale. We were all caught napping. The majority of the comrades were not armed during the attack. So they were ruthlessly murdered. I used it to the best of my knowledge in defence. Details of the encounter had been given to your official in an interview.

Chris and Lehlohonolo were reluctant to give me the cartridges when I declared the folding butt AK. An opportunity arose where the 2nd Lt of the LPF Lesotho with whom we had a dynamic contact as elaborated in our interview, gave me the cartridges to fill up the two magazines. We exchanged mutually at all times. It was through these relations that the attack by South Africa was foiled. The second in command Mr Moloi, died in mysterious circumstances following a car accident.

He was a vigorous hard working man and his death was not only a loss to the army but also the ANC. We weapon which I used for defence during the infamous raid, came from Angola from my younger brother Johnny who is stationed there and with the assistance of the Swaziland machinery ANC I collected the weapon in Maputo in December during the Christmas period, wrapped up as a present.

As mentioned I declared the weapon to Chris and Lehlohonolo who later requested it for use in the country for its portability as a folding unit. I was given a non-folding AK. At the time of the attack I was there with my whole family and one child belonging to a comrade. Their names are as follows:. Nomaquabi is now in Somafco following this attack.

The only casualty was Kananelo who was hit by a splinter during the attack. The Queen 11 hospital in Maseru could not risk the operation as this splinter was in a sensitive nerve area and also close to the bone. The doctors, however, suggested that.. At the time of the attack, Lehlohonolo was in Lusaka to seek money since the region was in serious jeopardy.

Rents and food allowance to cadres was not available. CIDA was not prepared to give us money because the financial records was in shambles. He came back after the raid and claimed that TG only gave him enough money for the funeral services. Meanwhile by the time he came, funeral arrangements were well in progress.

Cde Maroo, an elderly man, worked with me to organize the preparations. The arrival of Lehlohonolo was a disaster. At that critical moment, when we were mourning the death of the befallen comrades, it was indeed disturbing that he behaved like a maniac. Bullying comrades left, right and centre. There was no one to stop him. Lehlohonolo caused a scene at the airport Maseru when we were awaiting the arrival of the President. He dismissed me like a dog and said he was told I'm not required at the airport by the President.

I left however to avoid a confrontation as he was shouting in the presence of the local security. As this was a public place, I once more left the area. I later consulted with Chief Sabata and other elderly comrades and related what had transpired. The Chief promised to notify the President if he meets him.

It was quite obvious from government circles that I was not available to meet the President. Covid vaccines have more benefits than risks for children, says Sahpra.

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